ثورة فلسطين - أسبابها ونتائجها
The Palestine Revolt: Its Causes and Consequences

Page 461

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سعي الفرس لإسقاط مُلك العرب

(6) بدأ زنادقة الفرس بالسعي لهدم مُلك العرب لاستعادة دولتهم الفارسية وملتهم المجوسية، من طريق الدسائس الدينية والسياسية، وإحياء العصبية الشعوبية، وتوسلوا إلى ذلك بتفريق الكلمة من طريق التشيع لأئمة البيت من آل علي وفاطمة عليهم السلام، فشعر بذلك آل العباس رضي الله عنهم فنجحوا باستمالة دعاية الثورة والقوة، وبقيت للعلويين دعايتا الألوهية والعصمة، وقد فطن الخليفة العباسي الأول لخطر زعامة الثورة وإدارة الحكومة، فاحتكروا موارد الأموال، واصطنعوا الرجال، وتم هذا الأمر للبرامكة منهم في عهد الرشيد أو كاد؛ ولكنه فطن لذلك فبطش بالبرامكة تلك البطشة الكبرى، بيد أن قوة الترك الجندية الوحشية، قد قدرت على ما عجزت عنه سياسة الفرس الدينية والأدبية، فإنما أثمرت دسائس شيعتهم الباطنية في إفريقية دون بلادهم وما يقرب منها، فكانت الدولة التي أسسوها بمصر- هي الفاطمية أو العبيدية - عربية محضة باقتضاء موقعها، ولم تستطع التغلب على الدولة العباسية بتعميم دعايتها، وأما الذين سلبوا ملك العرب وقوضوا هيكل حضارة العرب فهم الترك، وكان الجاني الأكبر في إدخالهم في الدولة والاعتماد على جندهم في حفظ سلطان الخلافة - هو المعتصم الجاهل بالسنة والناصر للبدعة، وأنى له أن يفهم مغزى قول الرسول صلى الله عليه وسلم: (اتركوا الترك ما تركوكم) أو يحذر ويتقي مضمون قوله صلى الله عليه وسلم: (أول من يسلب أمتي ملكهم وما خولهم الله بنو قنطوراء) يعني الترك.

سلب الترك لمُلك العرب

(7) مهد التتار السبيل لبني عمهم الترك باجتياح سلطنة الخلافة العباسية العربية بالتقتيل والتدمير والتتبير، وكان الفرس قد سبقوا إلى إضعافها بالتفريق والتدبير، أفرطوا في تقديس الخلفاء العباسيين وتفخيمهم بالألقاب والزينة والاحتفالات الرسمية؛ ولكنهم فرَّطوا في طاعتهم، وأزالوا ما كان من حصر وحدة الرياسة فيهم، ففرَّقوا السلطة، واستبدوا بالدولة، وغلبوا الخليفة على أمره، وافتاتوا عليه في حكمه، حتى

English
translation

The Persians' effort to bring down Arab rule

(6) Persian heretics began seeking to destroy Arab rule in order to restore their Persian state and Zoroastrian religion. They used religious and political plots and revived Shu'ubiyya, ethnic partisanship against the Arabs. They sought to divide the community by supporting the imams of the house of Ali and Fatima, peace be upon them. The Abbasid family, may God be pleased with them, sensed this and succeeded in drawing to itself the call for revolution and its power, leaving the Alids with the calls to divinity and infallibility. The first Abbasid caliph recognized the danger in leadership of the revolution and administration of the government. The Persians then monopolized revenues and recruited men, and the Barmakids among them almost completed this work under al-Rashid. But he noticed and struck them down with his great blow. Yet the Turks' savage military power accomplished what the Persians' religious and literary politics could not. The plots of their esoteric Shiites bore fruit in Ifriqiya, not in Persia or its vicinity. The state they founded in Egypt, the Fatimid or Ubaydid state, was wholly Arab because of its location and could not overcome the Abbasid state by spreading its message. Those who stripped the Arabs of their rule and brought down the structure of Arab civilization were the Turks. The chief person responsible for bringing them into the state and relying on their troops to preserve the caliphate's power was al-Mutasim, ignorant of the Sunna and a supporter of religious innovation. How could he grasp the meaning of the Messenger's words, God's blessing and peace be upon him, “Leave the Turks alone so long as they leave you alone,” or heed the warning in his words, “The first to strip my community of its rule and what God has granted it will be the sons of Qantura,” meaning the Turks?

The Turks' seizure of Arab rule

(7) The Tatars paved the way for their kinsmen, the Turks, by overrunning the Arab Abbasid caliphate with killing, destruction, and ruin. The Persians had already weakened it by division and intrigue. They went too far in venerating the Abbasid caliphs and magnifying them with titles, adornment, and official ceremonies, but fell short in obeying them. They ended the sole concentration of supreme leadership in the caliphs, divided power, took control of the state, overpowered the caliph in his own affairs, and acted in his place in government, until

Analysis

Riḍā assigns to Persian heretics a plan to destroy Arab rule and to Turks the destruction of Arab civilization. He invokes two reports attributed to Muhammad to frame Turks as a danger to his community. The shorter formula appears in Sunan Abī Dāwūd 4302, while the expanded Banū Qanṭūrā formula circulates through reports attributed to al-Ṭabarānī. These comparisons establish a source tradition for Riḍā's quotations, not the truth of the prophecies or his ethnic and political reading. His accusations remain sweeping judgments, not evidence of one purpose shared by Persian or Turkish peoples. The page turns to Tatar conquest and claims that Persian officials stripped Abbasid caliphs of power; its final sentence continues on p. 462.

Modern work confirms a narrower institutional change. Al-Muʿtaṣim expanded the acquisition of Turkish soldiers, relied on them as a central military force, and settled them with the court at Samarra. The policy probably began under al-Maʾmūn, and Turkish soldiers had served earlier caliphs. This supports Riḍā's identification of al-Muʿtaṣim as a major turning point. It does not support his description of a whole people as savage or make Turkish ethnicity itself an explanation for the later loss of caliphal control.

The Barmakid episode has a firm historical core and a weak ethnic explanation. Encyclopaedia Iranica records about seventeen years of Barmakid influence followed by their fall in January 803. It also rejects as unsustainable the accusation that they definitely supported Persian heterodoxy and gives Khorasanian court interests as a narrower possible explanation. Riḍā's conspiracy framework is not supported by this source.

The Fatimid chronology is broadly right, while Riḍā's ethnic label is not established. The state arose in Ifriqiya in 909, conquered Egypt in 969, and moved its seat there in 973. Its Ismaʿili mission remained active across many regions and rivaled the Abbasids, but there were no extended direct military encounters between the two caliphates. The source does not support calling the state wholly Arab simply because its seat was in Egypt.

The 1258 conquest check supports the violent historical core but not Riḍā's ethnic chain. Encyclopaedia Iranica describes Hülegü's Mongol capture of Baghdad as a major rupture with extensive killing and destruction. That does not establish that the Mongols were advance agents or simple ethnic kinsmen of all Turks, or that later Turkish rule formed one continuous project with the conquest.

The claim that Persian rulers stripped Abbasid caliphs of governing power can be tied to a specific dynasty and date. The Buyid prince Aḥmad ibn Būya entered Baghdad in 945, became amīr al-umarāʾ, and directed a protectorate in which the Sunni caliph lacked governing power. He also replaced al-Mustakfī with another Abbasid caliph. This supports Riḍā's institutional point for the Buyid period, but not his transfer of that conduct to Persians as a whole or his claim of one continuous ethnic design.

The Shuʿūbiyya does not supply the unified Persian religious conspiracy that Riḍā assigns to it. Scholarship describes a varied literary and cultural movement among non-Arab Muslims and other urban groups, with arguments about status, language, court culture, and the place of Persian traditions in Abbasid society. Some participants promoted Persian models, but the movement cannot be reduced to one Zoroastrian plan to restore a Persian state.